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Here is the real agenda behind the Sexwale/Malema team - he who pays the piper calls the tune - this is "cheque book politics".

By By Udo W. Froese
So far, three agendas have been noted to severely damage South Africa's national economy: (i) the "disinvestment campaign" from the 1980s, (ii) the "2001 agenda" of destabilising the Rand currency and (iii) the "2008 agenda" of 'nationalisation'. All three agendas would have reduced the country to a dustbowl, second to none.

First, in the 1980s, the ANC and the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) of South Africa called on the international community for trade sanctions against colonialapartheid South Africa. It was a good cause then to isolate the colonial-apartheid structures and to bring them to their knees. Sanctions also inadvertently created local self-sufficiency and generated jobs for the poor.

This however was followed by something the ANC had never called for, that is, the disinvestment campaign. Concerned observers point out, "That campaign was however, used to the advantage of a small ruling Nationalist Party elite. Those elite strategised it in such a way that if the ANC takes over, it will inherit an economic dustbowl". Some refer to this as a 'scorched earth policy'.

The following are some of the examples, how that elite turned the international disinvestment to their advantage: 'Rand Merchant Bank' bought the South African based part of the British owned 'Barclays Bank' and turned it into 'First National Bank'. Anglo-American bought out US owned 'Ford Motor Company (SA) (PTY) LTD' for a song and re-named the South African owned motor manufacturing corporation to 'SAMCOR'.

A conservative group of automotive entrepreneurs, led by a certain Butler-Wheelhouse, bought 'General Motors (SA) (PTY) LTD at an extremely low price and transformed it into Delta Motor Corporation. Thousands of employees of the aforesaid companies were retrenched as the local elite adopted a short-term approach and aimed for quick returns. Progressive Corporate protocols such as these corporations dropped the "US Sullivan Code" and strategies were adopted that emasculated already weakened trade unions. International disinvestment removed the biggest purchaser of local assets, which exclusively benefited a small and racist elite.

Secondly, in 2001 South Africa's local currency, the Rand depreciated dramatically from R8.12 to R13.85 to the US Dollar. At the same time, large arms and ammunition caches had been built up by right wing elements who were later arrested and prosecuted for treason. The depreciation of currencies impoverishes nations overnight.

Commodity prices are dollar denominated hence a weaker currency implies higher Rand prices for local goods and services.

Food producers export their product in order to fetch higher prices in Rand terms whilst local consumers can ill afford to purchase basic foodstuffs. Popular insurrection often follows this type of financial crisis, whilst affording the right wing an opportunity to intervene together with friendly elements in the State by executing a military coup de tat or triggering a bloody civil conflict. "These developments give good cause for the military and paramilitary groups to intervene in order to stabilise the nation," a seasoned military strategist explained.

Whatever the measure used, one can safely assume that the State is severely weakened from such an ordeal, which opens the doors for exploitative and unregulated activity, by giant corporations and criminal syndicates in the economy.

During the colonial-apartheid era in South Africa the shifting of the deck chairs of ownership patterns was made possible through a massive discounting of assets.

South Africa was about to fall into the hands of narrow, selfish and highly treasonous interests. Then, the late 1990s brought a spate of foreign and dual listings by SA companies with massive externalisation of local capital. Primary listings ended up in London and New York whilst secondary listings remained in Johannesburg. In other words, this country's profits were repatriated to buy assets internationally. South African Breweries, Old Mutual and Anglo American and a string of others, took advantage of this dispensation by externalising billions of Rands.

The above-mentioned was a corporate hedging strategy executed to take advantage of foreign acquisitions whilst waiting for a collapse in the Rand in order to buy up the very same assets at bargain basement prices. It was a fatal mistake to discount South Africa's economy. According to research done by senior economists in the field of currency devaluation, the South African Rand Currency depreciated at a rate of 9% p.a. over a period of thirty years until 2001.

Furthermore, an agenda was developed some ten years ago to overthrow the democratically elected ANC. It raised its head in 2001 when the South African Rand came under attack. The Rand currency lost its value in relation to the United States Dollar when the Rand fell from R8.10 to R13.85 to the US Dollar.

But then the economic coup was thwarted. The former CEO of the South African Chamber of Business (SACOB), Kevin Wakeford, called publicly for a Commission of Enquiry into the rapid depreciation of the Rand. A clearly embarrassed (former and recalled) President Thabo Mbeki set up a Judicial Commission of Enquiry early in January 2002.

Three commissioners were appointed: (i) former Labour Judge President, John Myburg, (ii) Mandla Gantsho, CEO of the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA) at that time and (iii) attorney, Ms. Christine Qunta.

"We came across serious violations of the Exchange Control Act", as the Cape Town based attorney, Christine Qunta, pointed out.

One commentator said: "Unfortunately, the Minister of Justice at the time shut down the Commission too quickly. It seemed as though the Commission was limp wristed in their approach during their short existence. If it were not for Gobodo Forensics been imposed on the Commission, it is unlikely that any evidence of shenanigans would have been uncovered. When other accounting firms could not find anything wrong or material relating to the Wakeford allegations, Gobodo Forensics found damaging evidence on some of the deals which Deutsche Bank had advised Sasol, Billiton, Nampak and MCell on."

Deutsche Bank had to execute an R800 million reversal imposed by the SA Reserve Bank! Quite a heavy parking fine..

The perceived manipulation of the judicial commission eventually fell apart, as evidence brought the dealings of Deutsche Bank and SASOL and other criminal wrong doings to light.

Commissioner Christine Qunta wrote a minority report, disagreeing with Myburg and Ganthso's findings. The obvious question was raised, "why was this judicial commission shut down in such a hurry?" In some instances, Qunta recommended criminal investigation with subsequent prosecution. The answer however, is clear. The agenda to rip the economic heart of South Africa out was turned on its head. Here is the proof - the owners of the economic interests subverted the judicial commission and closed it down. The then minister of Justice, Penuel Maduna, who now serves as an empowerment shareholder of SASOL, simply shut it down. One of the members of this commission, Mandla Gantsho, became board member of SASOL shortly after the commission was closed down. It also seemed that another conflict of interest was tolerated. The Chairman of the Commission, John Myburg, became Adjudicator of Banks. He has also served SASOL since then in a variety of capacities. Wakeford was forced out of SACOB on 1st October 2002 by the then SACOB President Christoph Kopke, the Chairman of Daimler Chrysler South Africa. His boss, Juergen Schremp, the CEO of Daimler Chrysler International had placed considerable pressure on Kopke as President of SACOB to oust the impetuous Wakeford. At that time, Schremp sat on the boards of SASOL, Deutsche Bank (Advisory Board), and Richemont. He was also a member of President Mbeki's International Investment Advisory Council at the time. Schremp had used his wide scope of influence to silence an energetic, intellectually gifted and patriotic Wakeford. Should the Commission have fulfilled its mandate, the misdeeds of many financial institutions would have been exposed. It is rumoured that at the time, Nedbank for example had externalised half her assets under management. This is way above the 15% threshold as regulated by the SA Reserve bank. Once the Rand strengthened dramatically and irrevocably as a result of the Commission of Inquiry, many institutions had to unwind deals, which were premised on a weakening Rand. In fact, a few months after the commission had closed down in July 2002, the chairman of the board of Nedbank, and the bank's CEO, left the bank very quietly.

One of them had served the country as Minister of Finance under then President Nelson Mandela. Many business leaders and the corporations they led were left red faced as a result of the reversal of their fortunes. Most developing nations have fallen short of real economic progress and development as a consequence of pseudo-militancy and the subsequent instigation of destabilisation.

Malema and his Masters are not radical ideologues. They are political and economic saboteurs preparing the ground for a failed and unsustainable state and the mopping up of SA's wealth by a banana republic elite.

THE CASE OF ANGOLA 1975 to 1998:

In the case of Angola, that SADC member country had qualified to become the biggest recipient of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Africa at the height of the Angolan war during the "Cold War Era". This "benefit" was made available to essentially create a corridor between the capital of Luanda and the oil rich region of Cabinda to suck the oil wells dry. Would that type of "investment" have entered Angola, if the country had a stable democracy then? Certain interests thrive in the presence of a weak state with hardly any control mechanisms in place, instability and conflict. A headof- state is reduced to "warlord status", not accountable for environmental waste, exploitation on all levels, equal to a 'little god'.


In 2001, the same year when South Africa's currency was drastically reduced, Argentina experienced a run on its banks and a massive depreciation of its national currency. This led to national instability similar to the days of dictator Peron.


Colonial racist interests in Zimbabwe tried to do the same as it was done in Angola, Argentina and South Africa - to collapse the economy so it could be reduced to rubble and taken over for nothing. It almost ruined the economy of that landlocked SADC member. President Robert Mugabe and his team eventually allowed two currencies into Zimbabwe - the South African Rand and the United States Dollar, just in case, one of them would collapse. That eventually stabilised the country's economy.

In the meantime many opportunists flocked to Zimbabwe to lap up the crown jewels of the economy. A case in point is South Africa based Implats, which bought Zimplats at a huge discounted price. Zimplats remains the biggest asset in the Implats' stable.


The '2001 agenda' of reducing the country's economy to nothing was convincingly scuppered by the massive amount of public scrutiny that was generated around the currency markets. This new agenda started in 2008. An insatiable appetite for wealth and the good life reached a feverish pitch in 2011 and has made those, who revel in it, quite content with the 'scorched earth policy' of those, who back them. In return they have to deliver the devaluation of the South African Rand currency to such low levels that those, who have moved their assets out of the country, can pick up the crown jewels out of the economy for a song. It would collapse South Africa's economy.

Thirdly, the "2008 agenda", which is designed by Tokyo Sexwale and spearheaded via his expensive messenger Julius Malema, was not known but to a chosen few, when the general membership accepted the ANC's agenda in Polokwane in December 2007.

Sexwale and Malema slipped their hidden agenda in through the backdoor. Their agenda of 'nationalisation' and 'land expropriation without compensation' in order to instil fear in the markets and cause a run on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE) together with constraining new investment and fuelling disinvestment, was not made public, as it is not part of the ANC agenda. South Africa's downgraded investment rating by "Moody's" is a case in point. Since then, the rabble-rousing, suspended ANCYL president Julius Malema went on a full confrontation course, reliably attacking the ANC mother body from outside. He sung his speeches from a carefully manicured hymn sheet in sound-byte form, sending never more than two messages from public platforms.

Those focused on "nationalisation" and the "seizure of land without compensation". This was to assist the planned economic implosion of the country, to force South Africa's currency and economy to its knees. All this happened while he accumulated unexplained wealth.

Political commentator and brother of the former Sate President, Thabo Mbeki - Moeletsi Mbeki - further prepares his audience's mind for what will come in the not so distant future - referring recklessly and irresponsibly to an imminent "Arab Spring" for South Africa by 2020.

So, what really motivates Malema's repeated public calls for 'nationalisation' and 'land expropriation without compensation' as well as his predictable attacks on the ANC mother body, describing the ANC leadership as the "enemy", many observers ask. While flouting every value of South Africa's sovereign constitution, Malema seems to lead the public attack on the country's economy.

A highly respected senior ANC elder referred to Malema's statement of "radical policy shifts will need a strong ground based on our people being ready to suffer a period of change because change is pain", saying, Malema is merely pre-empting the possible criminal charges against him that would most likely come up sooner than expected. In other words, the suspended, former ANCYL president currently politicises any form of future charges of crime against him. The ANC elder stated though, "Malema would not stand a chance against such charges, as evidence seems damning. Meanwhile, Malema, as self-appointed "commander of the economic freedom fighters", plays to the fears of capital and the general public, the two most important elements in South Africa's economy. He has centred his pseudo-militant attack on Property Rights. This Right is fundamental to business and investors. Investment literally dies a quick death without "security of tenure".

If the campaign of 'nationalisation' and 'land expropriation without compensation' would unseat the current ANC leadership who rule in government, this new cadre of opportunistic counter-revolutionary pseudo-militants would wilfully spearhead a set of deceptive and destructive policies that would result in inevitable economic collapse. The crown jewels of the country's economy would be the subject of a "fire sale" or public auction.

As respected economists and senior political insiders fear, "The intent is to rip South Africa's economy apart and destabilise the country. Disinvestment, the attack on the Rand and nationalisation will leave South Africa in economic tatters with its architects remaining in the shadows. To get to grips with this phenomenon, one merely has to follow the money, to establish who pays the piper."

There is a common thread running through a small group of well-established businessand political elites, which create these destructive political waves. A highly respected senior member of the ruling ANC brought to the attention of all the above, commenting, "The ANC is aware of the next agenda too". Part of such agenda is of course, "he who pays the piper calls the tune. And, there will always be a willing piper."

This results in a cruel and merciless economy based on structured poverty for the majority of the population and affects the entire Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, severely.


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