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'Beware of Treason.'

By Udo W. Froese
A so-called "Arab Spring", a "regime change", demands for changing the constitution, huge financial resources to put up a small group of professional regime changers and the consequences thereof are outside the ambit of normal political processes.

The thin line between democracy and high treason begins to be crossed, as in the worst-case scenario the president, his family, cabinet - and government members could be murdered, as was the case particularly in Libya and other north African and Middle East countries. It would tumble the country into civil war.

High treason, as defined by the law of the Republic of South Africa is any overt act committed by a person owing allegiance to a state with the unlawful, hostile intent to overthrow, impair, violate, threaten or endanger the existence, independence or security of the state or to overthrow or coerce the government of the state or change the constitutional structure of the state.

The mass march of the current leadership of the ANCYL to the Union Buildings in Pretoria, the seat of government of South Africa, on Friday, October 28, 2011, produced a public perception of mass support for Julius Malema and his executive, currently being disciplined by the ANC's National Disciplinary Committee (NDC) for sowing disunity in the mother body and bringing the party into disrepute.

Malema and his executive's call on the ANCYL to support their march for "economic liberation"to the Chamber of Mines and the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE) both in Johannesburg and the government head quarters at the Union Buildings in Pretoria was met when some 5000 to 6000 participants showed up, surely the biggest Sandton has seen yet. Political analysts hail this march as a "historic occasion".

The ANCYL has 350 000 members. Against this background some observers say that Thursday and Friday's march, particularly to Pretoria was a failure, as it drew less than one percent of the ANCYL's 350 000 membership. The perceived populist Malema's call for the support of the ANCYL may not be as historical, as it is perceived.

The media publicity the ANCYL president receives, does not necessarily mean the approval and endorsement of Malema.

It was disconcerting to note that a placard flashed the words, "Fuck The President" while the throng gathered at the Union Buildings on Friday morning, October 28, 2011.

It is a threat to the ruling party and the government, to openly place into peril the principles of the ruling ANC with underhanded warnings of an "Arab spring", to call for a "regime change" and to unlawfully demand a change of the constitution of South Africa.

Rebellious youngsters burnt the ANC flag in the streets of inner city Johannesburg when Malema had to appear in front of the National Disciplinary Committee earlier this year at ANC Headquarters in Luthuli House. The ANC War Veterans' Association (MKVA) angrily protested against such ill discipline and disrespect of the youth.

Meanwhile, Julius Malema claimed to have been an MK soldier as from the age of nine years. History however, reveals that the ANC never made use of child soldiers.

Senior ANC NEC member and Minister for Human Settlement, Tokyo Sexwale, is no stranger to the aforementioned national problem and the controversy around it. It seems that society at large is quite clear of his agenda.

Former recalled president Thabo Mbeki's Minister for Safety and Security, the late Steve Tshwete, had accused Sexwale of conspiring against the president. His co-accused were Mathews Phosa and Cyril Ramaphosa. Tshwete went to his grave standing by his accusation of Sexwale and Phosa having planned to overthrow the then incumbent president.

Sexwale, Phosa and Ramaphosa denied the allegation. In the case of Cyril Ramaphosa it is obvious that the allegations were wrong. His subsequent actions proved to be such, as he became a respected businessman and statesman. Tshwete publicly apologised to Ramaphosa on national television.

In a media interview, Sexwale claimed to also have served directly under the revered Oliver Reginald (OR) Thambo in exile. This is untrue. When Sexwale left for exile, he was there for a very short time, as he was almost immediately incarcerated. Comrades in exile refuted Sexwale's claim.

Meanwhile, Sexwale structured his own downfall, as he believes that the criminal habits of the banking cartel of the US's Wall Street would be acceptable and could be useful for his agenda. It is believed that the banking cartel is too big to be allowed to fail. That is the reason why that notorious cartel was bailed out.

However, Tokyo Sexwale is not in that league. According to senior ANC insiders, Sexwale will fail, despite and because of his lobby for a "regime change" within the ANC leadership. His goal of government buying his debt through crude and unstructured nationalisation is clear and is therefore, guaranteed to fail.

The historic background to the Polokwane summit of the ANC in December 2008 set the future development of the current situation of the internal power wrangling of the ruling ANC

In ousting recalled former president Thabo Mbeki, many forces converged with different agendas. It was then that Julius Malema - referred to from then on as 'kingmaker' - and Tokyo Sexwale positioned themselves. Basically, Sexwale's business was alleged to be drowning in debt and he tried to sell it via a vehicle of nationalisation of his debt to the government. By their own admission, Malema and his executive openly revealed to the media that Tokyo Sexwale is their funder.

Meanwhile, Malema has not produced any working documents and programmes of action for an economic participation and empowerment for the majority of the population shows that Malema and his executive's political and intellectual bankruptcy.

The ANC is in government. It has policies on employment and has created the NYDA. The NYDA is however a disaster. Before Malema talks about economic freedom, why does he not propose a serious plan on how to fix the NYDA and ensure that funds are channeled into the correct programmes? The NYDA's executives amass wealth, but are not reigned in.

It is interesting that Julius Malema speaks about "economic freedom", but has never raised it with the ANC NEC. It is publicly asked, what are the real issues that he raises within the NEC? By any measure, it is hard to understand why any ANC NEC member protests against the mother body in public. The aforementioned demonstrates that Malema's politics are misleading and without substance.

It is also disappointing to notice that the youth from across the country have not assisted to raise the standard of the 'economic debate'.

Senior ANC cadres point out that it would be surprising, if the South African Revenue Services (SARS), the Hawks Investigative Unit and the Public Protector would fold their arms, while huge financial resources change accounts. The immediate question rose, what is the value in return for those funds made available? If South Africa would want to retain its national stability and establish real economic participation, the fine line between democracy and high treason should not be obscured.


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